Thursday, February 24, 2022

Ukraine Crisis: Reading List

 


Understanding the Ukraine Crisis: A Comprehensive Reading List

Henrikas Bliudzius Recommends Svetlana Alexievich, Tim Judah, Joshua Yaffa, and More

I was born in Lithuania to a half-Russian family just after the collapse of the Soviet Union. You can’t escape politics when you live in Eastern Europe. Mine and my family’s fragmented history is inextricably linked to Russia’s looming presence and revanchist tendencies. I lived in both Lithuania and Russia before coming as a teenager to London where I studied history, specializing in Modern Eastern European History and the Cold War. I work as book buyer for the largest bookstore in the country, mostly specializing in nonfiction. In my role, I am responsible for curating the range of books to order and highlight. Sometimes I am asked to consult the overall book-buying for the company in my areas of interest.

Many articles have been written in the last few days about whether the Russians will stop when they reach the combat lines between the rebel-held territory and Ukraine. We now have our answer. It always seemed doubtful that 200,000 Russian troops had been mobilized and brought from as far away as the Pacific simply to apply pressure on Ukraine; of course, nobody can ever really know what is in the mind of Vladimir Putin. What I do know, however, is that people in London know little about Ukraine and its people.

Over the last 48 hours, customers, booksellers, and other managers as well as head-office personnel have asked me for ideas on key reading material that the company has to ensure is ready, available, and relevant to a sudden onrush of interest in Ukraine and Russia. I’ve circulated one of the guidance sheets to the company but also thought, “How about I share some of this with the public?” That would let me share my appreciation for the experts and authors studying these issues and potentially connect them with those asking for advice and tips on the subject. And so the idea was born and I compiled a Twitter thread of my top recommendations. I’ve based this article on that thread.

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Hello All! As some of you might know I am the buyer for the largest bookstore in the country and a Russia/Eastern Europe watcher. Sitting on the convergence of these two interests of mine, I feel it would be a good idea to share a few books about the current situation in Ukraine and Russia.

Firstly, Ukraine. ðŸ‡ºðŸ‡¦ Probably the most commonly found book in British bookshops is The Gates of Europe by Serhii Plokhy who is one of the most popular Ukraine scholars in the West, a professor of history at Harvard and director of Harvard Ukraine Institute. You’ll see his name crop up again and again.

Next up is The Ukrainians: Unexpected Nation by Professor Andrew Wilson of the UCL School of Slavonic and Eastern European Studies. This is a great general history of the country. Bear in mind it’s from 2015 however so omits the most recent events.

Another bestseller here is Borderland by Anna Reid who was the Kyiv correspondent for The Economist 1993-1995. This is an updated version of the 1997 book. I’ve read it pre-update so cannot be sure of how up-to-date it is, but I loved it. Some of our shops even shelve this as “travel writing” which demonstrates how accessible and light it is.

Soviet Ukraine: One of the best books on Ukrainian history that I’ve read in the last few years is Red Famine by the brilliant Anne Applebaum. It tells of Soviet-enforced collectivization, famine and the suppression of memory. Now more than ever, it shows how the present is shaped by the past. Disclaimer, this book will make you cry.

Chernobyl: Of course, another infamous moment in history of Ukraine was the Chernobyl Nuclear Plant accident of 1986 which to this day is the most popular reason for customers asking about books on Ukraine. Below are the best selling books about Chernobyl:

Chernobyl Prayer by Svetlana Alexievich—Winner of Nobel Prize in Literature
Chernobyl by Serhii Plokhy—Winner of Baillie Gifford Prize and Pushkin Book Prize
Manual for Survival by Kate Brown
Midnight in Chernobyl by Adam Higginbotham

I’ve actually read three of those here and massively enjoyed the two prize winners but personally prefer Midnight in Chernobyl for its clarity. Highly recommend it.

Modern Ukraine/Maidan/Russian Occupation: I’ve really enjoyed Tim Judah’s book In Wartime. It’s a beautiful portrait of the human side of the conflict. Life behind frontlines and the barricades. Really helps in understanding what normal Ukrainians are living with. Other options could be Ukraine Diaries by Andrey Kurkov and the most recent Ukraine’s Maidan, Russia’s War by Mychailo Wynnyckij.

Russia ðŸ‡·ðŸ‡º  Obviously, if I were to list all the best books on Russian history, this thread would never end so only adding a few relevant to the current crisis. Starting with a general and short but no less impressive and very fresh history of Russia, A Short History of Russia, by the one and only Mark Galeotti. I normally profess a dislike for short histories and find them useless but must say this is very well done.

I’d say the most impressive and essential (also very recent) book on current Russia is Putin’s People by Catherine Belton. In it, you will learn about how the siloviki empire was built and consolidated and it’s a must-read manual of the current Russian state. Belton was a Financial Times Russia correspondent whilst researching this book and she’s got things so spot on that when one of the richest Russian Oligarchs took her to court for libel last year, she won the case.

Another recent chart-topper is This is NOT Propaganda by Peter Pomerantsev. Brilliant insight into how alternate reality is built by the Kremlin and run from troll farms. I loved his previous book, Nothing is True and Everything is Possible, which offers riveting insight into Russia a few decades ago, the Russia I remember myself, having lived there up to 2002.

One more cracking read I enjoyed last year is Between Two Fires by Joshua Yaffa which deservedly took an Orwell Prize for Political Writing in 2021. Joshua is a Moscow writer for The New Yorker and his columns give me life. It’s an interesting look at the intimate lives and compromises of ordinary Russians living in Putin’s regime.

Today’s crisis almost overshadowed the fact that another trial of Alexei Navalny, Russia’s biggest oppositioner has begun, after which he faces 15 more years behind bars. Navalnyby Jan Matti Dollbaum, Morvan Lallouet and Ben Noble, is his first real biography and I loved having the authors of the book in store for an event!

Speaking of opposition. Heidi Blake wrote one of the most unputdownable thrillers about all the sudden deaths of Kremlin’s enemies in the west, From Russia With BloodI loved this book. The author is an investigations editor at BuzzFeedNews, so no wonder this reads like true detective crime novel. 

No list of books about modern Russia is complete without Bill Browder and his incredible true story Red Notice, another book that reads like fiction but is very much the painful truth.

Of course, there is no discussion of modern Russian politics without an input from Garry Kasparov. Kasparov is one of the greatest chess players of all time who represented Soviet Union for most of his chess career. In the early 2000s he had a brief political career before moving to the United States, where he has often appeared on American TV talking about Putin and Russian politics. His book Winter is Coming is prescient in many ways, and I could not tear myself away from it.

The Compatriots by Irina Borogan and Andrei Soldatov is a wonderful collation of the lives of those who worked for or fled Russia for abroad. I’ve also read their previous work The Red Web in the original (Битва за рунет). Irina and Andrei are impressive journalists and their knowledge of Russian Secret Services is unrivaled.

If you’ve read Putin’s People, and want to learn more about the man’s inner circle, look no further than All the Kremlin’s Men by Mikhail Zygar, a great introduction to a web of connections inside the court of Putin. For more on oligarchs and their rise, read The Vory by Mark Galeotti.

Slightly older but no less fascinating entries here are from Edward Lucas. I’ve read Deception and The New Cold War all the way back and I must say some of it reads like pure prophecy.

Speaking of prophecy: there is nothing more prophetic than the writing of Anna Politkovskaya. Her books and articles formed my first opinions on Russia. She was a journalist in Russia during the early Putin reign, and paid the ultimate price for speaking the truth.

From more recent releases I recommend How to Lose the Information War by Nina Jankowicz. This is a brilliant investigation into the nature of Russian disinformation campaigns in US during the Trump Administration but also looks into Ukraine and Georgia; if you enjoyed Peter Pomerantsev’s exploration of information warfare you’ll love this.

Being Lithuanian I naturally want to learn more and more about how Russia’s thinking and behavior will effect the Baltic States in the future. Aliide Naylor released an in-depth study on this last year, The Shadow in the East, which I thoroughly enjoyed.

No list of books about Russian politics is complete without the inclusion of Masha Gessen, a brilliant journalist, activist, author and outspoken critic of Vladimir Putin. Her biographical study of the man himself, The Man Without a Face, was one of the first ever Western published books about Putin. She’s since released the fantastic The Future is History about the rise of historical revisionism in Russia and, most recently, Surviving Autocracy, about fighting the global rise of authoritarianism—a book I had the pleasure of reading last year.

I make a habit of reading every single Luke Harding release. The first, Mafia Stateis in my mind to this day. Very Expensive Poison is also super good! The investigative nature of these will keep you up through the night until you turn the last page.

The Long Hangoverby Shaun Walker is about the clever exploitation of memory and glories past by the current regime in its quest for popularity and public support. I loved the investigation and am hoping for more from the author—the style is unique!

And finally, the foundational text for my understanding of modern Russia and Putinism is Timothy Snyder’s The Road To UnfreedomI’ve got no space here for a synopsis, simply read the book. All I can say is that no westerner understands the region as well as TS, who I consider to be one of the greatest living historians. One of his previous books, Bloodlandsis a historical view of Eastern Europe as you’ve never seen it before, and is one of my all-time favorites. Not for the faint of heart.

I’d also include Putin v People by Prof. Sam Greene. I’ve enjoyed the in-depth and bottom-up study of Putin and his support base as much as I enjoyed attending Prof. Greene’s lectures at King’s Russia Institute a few years back when studying for my Masters in Modern History.

There are hundreds of books on this that I was unable to add to the thread (since when is there a cap on the amount of tweets?) so please do not take omissions to heart. The goal was to introduce the very basics to peeps new to this.

Be nice to authors and block the trolls.

Goodnight x







Henrikas Bliudzius
Henrikas Bliudzius
Henrikas Bliudzius is a book buyer for Waterstones Gower Street.




Putin’s invasion

 https://theconversation.com/putins-invasion-of-ukraine-attacks-its-distinct-history-and-reveals-his-imperial-instincts-177669?utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=Latest%20from%20The%20Conversation%20for%20February%2024%202022%20-%202214321974&utm_content=Latest%20from%20The%20Conversation%20for%20February%2024%202022%20-%202214321974+CID_50088320e6227eaf0f4e907bac6c367a&utm_source=campaign_monitor_global&utm_term=Putins%20invasion%20of%20Ukraine%20attacks%20its%20distinct%20history%20and%20reveals%20his%20imperial%20instincts


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Global Edition | 24 February 2022

After weeks of mounting tension, and growing fears that a war in Europe was imminent, Russia’s president Vladimir Putin announced a “special military operation” against the Ukraine. The rest of the world was in no doubt: Russia’s invasion of its western neighbour had begun.

How did it come to this? Olivia Durand sets out how Putin has been softening up the world for this moment for years. In 2014 he wrote: “Kiev is the mother of Russian cities.” A few days later Russia completed the annexation of Crimea. Eight years later he has returned to this theme – backed by the might of Russia’s armed forces. Days before the invasion he delivered an hour-long speech in which he made clear his desire to create a third imperial regime. The invasion of Ukraine is part of this masterplan.

In addition to troops on the ground, Moscow has been launching cyber attacks to undermine Ukraine’s defence capabilities. Mamoun Alazab explains.

A war in eastern Europe may feel distant to many in the world. But the ripple effects are already starting to be felt. As Wandile Sihlobo warns, African leaders in particular should pay attention because Russia and Ukraine are deeply embedded in the world’s agricultural and food markets. The conflict has already fed through into a spike in commodity prices. African countries are going to be hit hard. In 2020 African countries imported agricultural products worth US$4 billion from Russia – most of it wheat. The major importing countries were Egypt, followed by Sudan, Nigeria, Tanzania, Algeria, Kenya and South Africa.

From the US, William Hauk issues a similar warning: the war may feel very distant, but, there will be an economic cost that Americans will be forced to pay.

Caroline Southey

Founding Editor

Putin’s invasion of Ukraine attacks its distinct history and reveals his imperial instincts

Olivia Durand, University of Oxford

The Russian leader’s assertion that Ukraine is an ‘artificial construct’ is not borne out by the historical record.






‘Special Military Operation’ or invasion? Dalibor Brlek / Alamy Stock Photo

Putin’s invasion of Ukraine attacks its distinct history and reveals his imperial instincts

 

Vladimir Putin has long insisted Ukraine is part of the country he rules. This was painted more starkly than ever as he announced that Russian troops were undertaking a “special military operation” in its western neighbour. But to the rest of the world, what Russia is undertaking is simply an invasion.

Putin has been softening up the world for its latest foreign policy adventure for some years now. “Kiev is the mother of Russian cities,” he wrote in March 2014. “Ancient Rus is our common source and we cannot live without each other.” A few days later Russia completed the annexation of Crimea. Eight years later, during which time more than 14,000 people have died in a Russian-instigated war of insurgency in the Donbas region of eastern Ukraine, he has returned to this theme – backed by the might of Russia’s armed forces.

The Russian president made this intention crystal clear in an hour-long and fairly wide-ranging speech on February 21. “Ukraine is not just a neighbouring country for us,” he told the Russian people in a national broadcast. “It is an inalienable part of our own history, culture and spiritual space.” He repeatedly denied Ukraine’s right to independent existence – and, at times, that the country exists at all as an independent entity. Instead he appeared to accept the unity of the two countries as historical fact.

In doing so, he revealed the structures of an imperial ideology with a chronology and ambition that goes far beyond post-Soviet nostalgia to the mediaeval era. But to what extent is that ideology shared by Russians?

Our mission is to share knowledge and inform decisions.

One of the striking elements of Putin’s latest speech about Ukraine, which accompanied the recognition of Donetsk and Luhansk as independent states, was his insistence that Ukraine exists as a by-product of Russian history, insisting that “Since time immemorial, the people living in the south-west of what has historically been Russian land have called themselves Russians and Orthodox Christians.”


Read more: How Russian is Ukraine? (Clue: not as much as Vladimir Putin insists)


But he later undercut his insistence of these shared origins, stating that “Modern Ukraine was entirely created by Russia or, to be more precise, by Bolshevik, Communist Russia.” To him, the making of modern Ukraine only started “after the 1917 revolution”, and Ukrainians have “Lenin and his associates” to thank for their state. This was a reference to Lenin’s creation of a federation of Soviet states, the USSR, out of the ethnic diversity of the former Russian empire.

In reality, Ukrainian aspirations for statehood predated revolution by at least two centuries. From the Ukrainian Hetmanate’s 1710 Bendery Constitution to the 1917 establishment of the West and Ukrainian People’s Republics and appeals at the Paris Peace Conference for status, Ukrainians have continuously asserted themselves as a distinct people.

The formation of the USSR was, in part, conditioned by the previous creation of these two independent Ukrainian Republics in the aftermath of the revolution and the disintegration of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. These republics stemmed directly from the 19th century Ukrainian romantic national movement that reassessed the impact of the Cossack past, fuelling the development of an identity centring on a distinct language, culture, and history.

When the Bolsheviks, Lenin at their head, took control over the Ukrainian territories, the idea of Ukraine as an independent nation could not be ignored, and led to the independent status – on paper – of the Ukrainian Soviet Republic in 1922.

What Putin’s address reveals is the desire to plot Russian and Ukrainian history through the lens of imperialism. He is attempting to establish a direct line from shared ancient origins to a first and second Russian empire: one under the Romanov Tsars (1721-1917) and the second as part of the USSR.

A woman photographs Vladimir Putin and other dignitaries standing by a statue of Vladimir the Great in Moscow.
Shared history? Russian president Vladimir Putin and other dignitaries at the inauguration of a statue to Volodymyr/Vladimir the Great in Moscow, November 2016, claiming sole ownership of a central figure of the Kyivan Rus’. EPA/Dmitry Astakhov/Governmental press service/pool

Across those two imperial epochs, Ukraine is reduced to a tributary state and mentions of national aspirations are smothered. This is precisely the message that the Kremlin continues to disseminate in the 21st century.

A lack of popular appetite

But what does the Russian public believe? Three decades ago, when the USSR collapsed, only rare and often ultra-nationalist politicians resorted to imperial history in imagining Russia’s post-soviet future. As early as the 1990s, ultra-nationalist politician Vladimir Zhirinovsky advocated ceasing coal supplies to Ukraine as a tactic to bring back Russia’s lost territories, but he remained a fringe figure in Russian politics.

Still, in 2011 and 2012 Global Attitudes surveys conducted by Pew Research Centre, support for imperial ideology was not insignificant. When asked whether “it’s natural for Russia to have an empire”, only 31% of Russian respondents disagreed. Whether nostalgia for empire translates to appetite for war to “regain territory” remains unclear.

It is impossible to paint all Russian perceptions of Ukrainians with the same brush. Russian feelings toward their neighbour have historically ranged from genuine feelings of brotherhood and warmth to virulent expressions of xenophobia manifesting in episodes of ethnic cleansing, such as the 1932 orchestrated famine known as the Holodomor.

Liss Truss stands next to the statue of a little girl as a memorial to the the 1930s Ukraine famine
Painful past: a memorial to the Holodomor, or famine, that stalked Ukraine in the 1930s. EPA-EFE/Sergey Dolzhenko

But when it comes to the question of how Russia should position itself with regards to claiming eastern Ukrainian provinces as long-lost parts of the “Russian empire”, opinion is more clearly divided. Only 26% of Russians wanted the Donbas to become part of Russia, while 54% are in favour of varying forms of independence (within Ukraine or separate). War remains an unpopular choice, with only 18% of Russians unreservedly supporting armed conflict in defence of the two breakaway republics in a poll from April 2021.

Post-Soviet neo-imperialism

Ultimately, the use of “empire” as an ideology reveals Russia’s yearning for – or sense of entitlement to – a third imperial regime. The rhetorical and physical erasure of Ukrainian history and identity makes it much easier to assert claims of shared Russian heritage. This will be important to bear in mind as we watch the development of this renewed conflict over Ukraine.

Parallels with other formerly colonised peoples abound. But, as Kenya’s envoy to the UN put it, no matter what conditions presided over the drawing of modern borders, “we must complete our recovery from the embers of dead empires in a way that does not plunge us back into new forms of domination and oppression.”